John
Quincy Adams began keeping a diary in 1779, when he was 12 years old, and
faithfully maintained it until his death at 80, when he was serving as a member
of Congress. From the American Revolution to the brink of the Civil War,
Adams’s diaries vividly capture historical events in which he was both
participant and observer, while simultaneously revealing the play of an
unusually lively and inquiring mind.
SOURCE:
Library of America is now making
this extraordinary work available to a general audience in the first new
edition in almost a century. Edited by historian David Waldstreicher and
published just prior to Adams’s 250th birthday, on July 11, The Diaries of John
Quincy Adams 1779–1848 is a two–volume reader’s edition based for the first
time on Adams’s original manuscript diaries, including numerous personal
passages that were suppressed from previous versions. Waldstreicher describes what was involved in
preparing two volumes of Adams’s diaries for Library of America.
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David Waldstreicher. |
LOA: The diaries of John Quincy Adams
total some 15,000 handwritten pages and span a period of nearly seventy years.
What were the challenges in winnowing such a massive work into a manageable
two-volume readers’ edition? What were your principles of selection?
Waldstreicher: LOA rightly encouraged
me to focus on entries of the greatest literary, biographical, and historical
interest. Fortunately, these criteria often overlapped: Adams often wrote to
record major events and to reflect upon them.
We had to be especially selective in
the later years, when JQA began to write more than a large manuscript page (in
the small handwriting that can be seen on the endpapers), and during those
weeks and months when he was negotiating a treaty, or when Congress was in session.
We had to edit in such a way as to avoid unnecessary repetition while making
sure to represent JQA’s many varied concerns, like his commentaries on sermons
he heard at church and his observations on mores at court in St. Petersburg.
LOA: Adams held enough positions for
several lifetimes: minister to several European capitals, U.S. senator,
professor at Harvard College, secretary of state, president, and finally
congressman for the last seventeen years of his life. Did you consciously
strive for a balance in representing all these phases of his career, or do the
diaries favor some at the expense of others?
Waldstreicher: Adams was especially
fulsome in the diary as a foreign minister in Russia, as secretary of state,
and as a member of Congress, taking down the words of others and his reactions
to them, for future use. There is not as much, perhaps surprisingly and perhaps
not, during his frustrating presidential years, though it’s clear from the
diary that he received many more visitors than he is given credit for as a
supposedly “pre-democratic” president. We did strive for balance—and had to
make painful cuts—but the high quality of the entries in which he gears himself
up for battle with the leading lights of the age, or when he reflects on what
he has seen and heard, are certainly well-represented.
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1796 portrait (detail) of John Quincy Adams by John Singleton Copley. (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Bequest of Charles Francis Adams.) |
Waldstreicher: Adams emerges in our
edition as more engaged with members of his family, and with people generally,
than in past editions that focused solely on political significance. Another
revelation that might be less surprising to readers of the Charles Francis
Adams edition is just how many of the celebrities of the age Adams interacted
with substantially, and how passionate and informed he was about numerous
literary genres, from sermons to plays to philosophy to poetry.
And there are nuggets that Charles
Francis Adams, with his nineteenth–century eyes, just missed—such as Adams
conferring with Prince Saunders, acting as an informant about Haiti, while
Secretary of State. He has never been credited as the first president we know
of to receive an African American (Reverend Richard Allen) in his office—that
credit is usually given to Lincoln or Theodore Roosevelt.
LOA: One of the extraordinary
features of Adams’s diaries is that in addition to participating in historic
events he’s also a great noticer of them—he’s one of those, in Henry James’s
phrase, “on whom nothing is lost.” Where did this ability come from? Did he
consciously train himself to develop a recording faculty?
Waldstreicher: Part of it was his
informal diplomatic training abroad, as his father’s secretary during his
teenage years. Diplomats had to report on conversations and keep good records.
JQA rapidly advanced in the diplomatic corps under Washington in part on the
strength of his dispatches from Europe as well as his anonymously published
opinion pieces in newspapers based on what he had seen and heard. John Adams
also insisted on the great value of diary keeping, and John Quincy turned out
to be even better at it than his father.
LOA: Adams’s views on slavery evolved
over the years, to the point where as a congressman from Massachusetts he was
the most vocal opponent of the “Slave Power” in the House. How much of that
evolution is recorded in the diaries—are there turning points readers should
look out for?
Waldstreicher: The diaries are an
excellent place to see JQA’s evolution from someone who wanted to keep the
slavery issue at bay, and in fact helped the National Republicans (the Madison
and Monroe administrations) do just that, to becoming someone who wanted to
highlight slavery’s importance in politics and its connection to so many other
key issues facing the nation. The Missouri Crisis debates in 1819–21 are a key
moment of realization, but we also see in the diary his commitment to avoid
taking a public stand. The other key moment of transition comes after he leaves
the presidency, when he explored in various writing projects his intensifying
realization that the “Slave Power” had stymied not just antislavery but his
policy agenda for the nation.
Subsequently, for the next decade and
a half, he tried out different strategies and relationships to the changing
antislavery movement in his diary, consistently reminding himself to keep a
careful distance from immediate abolitionism even while developing a dialogue
with key proponents like Benjamin Lundy and Theodore Dwight Weld. He did a
great deal of effective work for the movement by discrediting slavery and its
influence in national politics—the famous Amistad case is just a chapter in the
middle of that story.
LOA: Joseph Ellis, an authority on
the founding generation, recently wrote, “John Quincy Adams is easy to admire,
but difficult to like, much less love.” Are people reading these diaries likely
to come away with that impression as well?
Waldstreicher: Like many
pronouncements about the Founders, this is an elegant and amusing half-truth
that is more revealing about the genre of founder commentary than it is about
John Quincy Adams. Adams was reserved yet a great conversationalist. He had his
enemies, great admirers, and many friends. Like most politicians who were also
writers, he was liked and loved—and despised—from afar and up close. The same
might be said for Franklin, Madison, John Adams, and especially Jefferson—with
whom Adams had a revealing love-hate relationship, which the volumes trace over
many decades.
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